December 22, 2005

Commentary

The Muslim world’s Cincinnatus?

Rob Asghar

Just in time for Christmas, here are nine George Bush tips for making a better world:

• Announce that you want to export American freedom to the far corners of the planet.

• Commence spying on anyone who might impede that noble plan.

• Squash an impotent dictator in a part of the world that believes you're a big bully who tries to force everyone to do what you want.

• Tell these people to stop complaining and start doing what you want.

• Ignore public and private surveys showing that the vast majority of the occupied citizenry want you to leave.

• Pay newspapers to publish articles claiming that everyone wants you to stay.

• Whistle away your fears about what will happen once all the fundamentalists who despise your Western ways win democratic elections.

• Make televised speeches to your citizens -- or just leave copies of the speech on their doorstep after spying on them -- in which you accept responsibility without ever accepting accountability.

• Repeat as necessary.

Happily, there is a better way to bring freedom, prosperity and tolerance to the world, especially to the beleaguered Muslim nations that have been unfortunate to draw the attentions of the American president.

The heavy lifting, however, must be done by the locals.

If the Muslim world is to experience the manner of renaissance that Pakistani President Gen. Pervez Musharraf called for at the recent Mecca summit of Muslim nations, Musharraf himself can play the key role of a Muslim Cincinnatus.

Cincinnatus was the retired Roman consul and general who twice held absolute power in the 5th century B.C. and twice walked away from it. Cincinnatus reluctantly allowed himself to be appointed dictator, to tackle foreign invaders and internal revolts.

Each time, he walked away from his unrivaled power and went back to the farm, so that he might tend to his crops and so that the Roman Republic might endure.

George Washington has been depicted as the American Cincinnatus by historian Garry Wills and others, for similarly refusing a permanent crown in order to return to his estate while a true republic might blossom. King George III was said to have been incredulous when informed of Washington's willingness to leave power, remarking, "If true, then he is the greatest man in the world."

That may explain why democracy immediately took root in America, whereas it sputtered in France, as Napoleon grieved in exile that "they wanted me to be another Washington."

To follow in the footsteps of these two generals, Cincinnatus and Washington, is the high calling and unprecedented opportunity for Gen. Musharraf. America can and should encourage him in that role, but it ultimately is a role he must freely choose to play.

Corruption, cronyism and every species of self-interest have damaged the DNA of societies such as Pakistan. Deadeningly cynical acts of bribery are essential for many civil servants to keep up with the Joneses and Junejos. Religion has a compensating, opiating effect, bringing a certain order to the social chaos -- while also fueling the ambitions of extremists.

Musharraf represents a different breed, moderate in faith and smooth in temperament. He is eager to pursue scientific progress, pluralism and even relations with Israel. Since seizing power six year ago in response to the corruption and incompetence of elected leaders, and especially since a fateful call from George Bush in the wake of 9-11, Musharraf has shown a willingness to push Pakistan into a 21st century that too many Muslim societies have opted out of.

He walks the wire above a pit of alligators, representing the snapping of extremist clerics, political opportunists and snotty Westerners. The Bush administration's missteps in foreign policy leave commentators and editorial boards at U.S. newspapers itchy to condemn Musharraf as just another despot at the American teat.

Yet for appearing within Pakistan to be overly compliant with American demands, he is rewarded with derision and the occasional assassination attempt.

Musharraf has been criticized for stalling on his plans to create a true democracy, asking for more time to enact reforms and receiving more time in a referendum that skeptics feel lacked legitimacy.

The question is whether he is primarily motivated by ambition or by true zeal to spur the Muslim renaissance of which he has spoken, a renaissance he could champion efficaciously. But when his mandate to serve as president expires in late 2007, will he choose to be a Washington or Napoleon?

The Middle East and South Asia are overrun by men who will not surrender power. Musharraf has the opportunity to set a new standard, one that will help nurture democracy in a troubled region that will not respond to America's quick fixes.